Elara is a seasoned journalist and digital content creator with a passion for uncovering stories that matter.
Yesterday, the finance minister, Rachel Reeves, delivered a Labour economic plan. The public have been asking for Labour’s mission and values to be more distinctly articulated. Through the decisions made – a transition to a more equitable tax system, targeting wealth to pay for addressing child poverty, quality public services and the cost of living – we have unequivocally set out what we believe in.
This is why Labour MPs cheered in the Commons, and it’s why we are ready for the battles to come. And it’s why the cries from the conservative side began immediately.
The primary dividing line in British politics is yet again on the economy. On the one side Labour, who aim to change it so it benefits ordinary working people, and on the other, our political opponents, who support the status quo and the unsuccessful ideology of the past. We must now confront, and prevail in, the argument.
The Tories were given 14 years to fix things and instead, by any measure, they got much worse. Their doctrinaire austerity and trickle-down economics – tax breaks for the wealthy, cutting off investment (causing us with low productivity and wages), and failing to support young people after the pandemic – proved ineffective.
Living standards dropped by the biggest amount since records began, child poverty reached record levels, NHS waiting lists in England were the highest on record, wages were stagnant, a housing crisis took hold, young people affected by Covid were abandoned. The history of failure goes on.
A single budget alone can’t put all this right, so Labour has a long-term plan for renewal and for restructuring the country. And we have to go out and continue making the argument for why our strategy will reap dividends.
During the Tories, welfare spending rose substantially. As did child poverty, because they failed to tackle the underlying issues: low pay, high housing costs, significant inequalities in education, health and regions. The state is forced to paying more to manage the symptoms instead of the solution.
That’s why we are building more affordable homes than for a generation, raising wages and enhanced protections for workers, greatly increasing investment in infrastructure and new industries, reducing waiting lists down and bringing down the costs of childcare and energy as we drive for clean power.
It’s also why we are completely justified to use this budget to lift the two-child benefit cap.
For almost a decade, since it was enacted, poorer families with children have suffered from a unjust social experiment that was branded as fair for working people when it was the opposite. Most of the families affected by it have a parent in work.
It’s done nothing but push 300,000 more children into poverty – which, in the end, costs us more, as well as being callous and unethical.
I know from my own constituency – where over 5,000 children will be raised out of poverty as a result of abolishing the cap – the real impact it’s had. Children wearing low-cost wellies as school shoes, children going to bed hungry and cold, living in cramped, damp homes, parents this Christmas depending on food banks for a modest meal or small gift for their kids.
I also see the impact on schools, teachers, social workers, doctors and charities who are already overburdened but have to redirect time and resources to supporting children who are living with the consequences of deep poverty.
Just one in four pupils from the poorest families achieve five good GCSEs, compared with almost 75% among affluent families. This sets them up for the disadvantages they face throughout their lives: unrealized potential, economic struggles and poor health. Children who were raised in poverty are more likely to be jobless or poor as adults.
Addressing child poverty isn’t just a ethical duty, it is a long-term investment. Poverty costs the economy far, far more than the three billion pound cost of removing the two-child cap, or expanding free school meals.
This is the reason we acted urgently in the budget, despite the challenging economic context. Every day with this cap in place sees over a hundred additional children pushed into poverty. The benefits of lifting it will not occur overnight either, so acting early in the parliament was vital.
The cap was a symbol to 14 years of failed rightwing ideology. Now it is gone.
We, as Labour, can also be clear that these initiatives are being paid for in a fair way – from a new gambling levy, eliminating tax loopholes and a new “mansion tax”.
Equity and direction – that’s how we will succeed in the contest of ideas. This budget is a definitive statement that we gained the election as Labour, and will govern as Labour. As I repeatedly said during my campaign to become deputy leader, we must seize back the political megaphone and set the agenda more forcefully about what’s really wrong with the country and how we are fixing it. We’ve definitely done that this week.
So let’s keep hold of it and prevail in this fight about how we will renew Britain and address the entrenched inequalities holding us back.
Elara is a seasoned journalist and digital content creator with a passion for uncovering stories that matter.